Summary:
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Here, Syrian women take centre stage.
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Most of the women who take part in local mediation have some kind of connection to the conflict, and both sides see them as trustworthy and credible.
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This strength was shown early on in the war in the Zabadani neighbourhood to the northwest of Damascus.
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Syrian women have also taken the lead in trying to talk to government forces about security issues and getting services to parts of the country that used to be run by the opposition.
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Restoring societal cohesivenessMobaderoon, a women-led civil society group in Damascus, saw an increase in localized violence against internally displaced people (IDPs) who had moved to the city years after the conflict started.
Numerous people have lost their lives; millions have been forced to flee the country, and much of the infrastructure is in ruins as a result of the continuous fighting. People say that international efforts haven’t made much progress because official mediators can’t understand what’s really going on in local communities.
Here, Syrian women take centre stage. Most of the women who take part in local mediation have some kind of connection to the conflict, and both sides see them as trustworthy and credible. They consistently exhibit two strengths that define them as “insider mediators”: the capacity to forge or exploit connections and in-depth familiarity with the dispute and its participants.
This strength was shown early on in the war in the Zabadani neighbourhood to the northwest of Damascus. The government besieged the district as it started to be taken over by the opposition. The only people who could cross the lines of control securely were women, since the authorities required that men lay down their weapons and surrender.
A switch of roles
Before the war, Zabadani women were usually expected to focus on household tasks. However, because men suddenly had to deal with more restrictions and dangers, it was okay—and even necessary—for women to talk with government forces.
Quickly accepting their new position, a group of women in Zabadani came together and started negotiating an end to the siege and possibly a ceasefire with the besieging forces.
According to Sameh Awad*, a peacebuilding professional familiar with the situation, “Most of these women got involved because their husbands were connected with the opposition forces and were wanted by the government.” The majority of the women were housewives who played no official roles in the town, but they became significant because they wanted to defend their husbands.
The women were able to protect and evacuate civilians for a while, but the truce broke down in the end because the political situation changed.
Another instance is when unofficial organizations of women in the city of Idlib, in the northwest, managed to rescue the lives of several prisoners. When they heard that soldiers were going to kill the detainees, a group of female teachers tried to get other women, including the mothers of the detainees, to go to the headquarters of the battalion chief. After the meeting, the faction leader agreed to meet with the military council, and a month later, the prisoners were freed as part of an exchange agreement.
Syrian women have also taken the lead in trying to talk to government forces about security issues and getting services to parts of the country that used to be run by the opposition. According to MS. Awad, many young men were reluctant to enter the public eye because of the government’s insistence that men must complete their military service. Women helped figure out if it would be possible to talk to the new local authorities by going out and asking around. They discussed early recovery in their regions during these talks.
Restoring societal cohesiveness
Mobaderoon, a women-led civil society group in Damascus, saw an increase in localized violence against internally displaced people (IDPs) who had moved to the city years after the conflict started. The organization established local committees made up of community and local government representatives, other significant community members like teachers and civil society activists, and regular citizens to confront this violence. They created safe places where residents could gather and talk about neighborhood challenges while gaining the confidence and know-how to deal with them.
After a while, the women-led organization moved its operations to Tartus, a coastal city in western Syria, and collaborated with a different women-led organization with established local ties.
Because of the fighting and the flood of IDPs, “There were no services or not enough services,” claims Farah Hasan, a Mobaderoon member. Because the IDPs came from areas under opposition control, the local youth blamed them for starting the war and engaged in violent attacks against them in surrounding camps.
The head of Tartus met with important community members and business leaders to convince them that the IDP camp should be made a part of the town so that IDPs could take part in the local economy. This was done since the violence was seriously causing instability in the area.
Slowly, attitudes began to shift, and IDPs were treated significantly differently in the Tartus neighbourhoods that were targeted: they reported less host community harassment and violence, higher acceptance of their children in schools, and better economic prospects.
Analysis by: Advocacy Unified Network
